6 - TONKONOGY MACROS (DO NOT DELETE) 3/30/2023 11:41 AM
2023] DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN EQUITABLE DISTRIBTUION 569
recognition that victims had “little recourse when being assaulted
by their intimate partners.”
63
The rise of the domestic violence movement in 1980 coincided
with changes in New York’s divorce law when the State joined the
majority and adopted the law of equitable distribution.
64
This new
law now required courts to identify and distribute marital
properties equitably between divorcing spouses, while
“considering the circumstances of the case and of the respective
parties.”
65
Since its enactment in 1980, the equitable distribution law has
received much criticism for its implementation.
66
A 1986 Task
Force Report noted the law’s unfair application, observing that
judges were “predisposed to ensure that the [law did] not ‘make
reluctant Santa Clauses out of ex-husbands.’”
67
Furthermore, the
equitable distribution law did not address marital fault anywhere
within its factors.
68
It was five years after its enactment that the
63
About Us, DOMESTIC ABUSE INTERVENTION PROGRAMS, https://www.thedulut
hmodel.org/about-us/ (last visited Feb. 3, 2021) [hereinafter Duluth Model]. The Domestic
Abuse Intervention Program (“DAIP”) was created in 1980, opening the door for coordinated
response programs. See Hyer, supra note 60. Under DAIP, activists in the domestic violence
movement created “The Duluth Model,” implementing an interactive approach between
agencies to improve the response to domestic violence. See id.; Duluth Model, supra note
63. The Duluth Model has gained ongoing global recognition as agencies have come together
“to make positive change in the criminal justice system around battering.” Duluth Model,
supra note 63.
64
See ALAN D. SCHEINKMAN, INTRODUCTION TO PRACTICE COMMENTARIES, N.Y. DOM.
REL. LAW § 236 (McKinney 2021).
65
N.Y. DOM. REL. LAW § 236(B)(5)(c) (McKinney 2021). Prior to the establishment of
the equitable distribution law in 1980, the allocation of marital property was largely based
on which spouse held legal title to a respective title. See SCHEINKMAN, supra note 64.
Generally, the working male held title in his name alone. See id. Oftentimes, upon
dissolution of a marriage, the non-working spouse would not be awarded interest in the
marital property, unless joint tenancy was established in the respective property. See
Report of the New York Task Force on Women in the Courts, 15 FORDHAM URB. L. J. 11, 65
(1986) [hereinafter Task Force].
66
See SCHEINKMAN, supra note 64 (“[N]ational surveys have reported that women and
children tend to suffer an immediate decline in their standard of living in the aftermath of
divorce while men enjoy an increased standard of living.”).
67
Task Force, Abstract, supra note 65, at 67 (quoting Foster & Freer, Law and the
Family: O’Brien v. O’Brien, N.Y.L.J. (Jan. 9, 1986)). The Report of the New York State Task
Force on Women in the Courts is created by the New York Task Force on Women, a group
comprised of judges, attorneys, and academics who report on gender biases in the New York
court system and legal industry. See id., at Abstract.
68
See ALAN D. SCHEINKMAN, PRACTICE COMMENTARIES, C236B:25, N.Y. DOM. REL.
LAW § 236 (McKinney 2021). The 1980 statute listed ten factors under